For over a century, the Old Òyó Empire was the heartbeat of the Yorùbá kingdom, controlling and directing the course of all the tribal units in the country. Though not the oldest of Yorùbá towns, this empire rose to prominence as a result of its military prowess and traditional political structure. Òyó thus became the capital city of the kingdom. During the reign of this empire, the whole country experienced peace and tranquillity. It was a period of abundance and of happiness. This was because the Òyó Empire had an indirect controlling influence over all the Yorùbá towns [1].

The grapes soon turned sour with the fall of the Òyó Empire [2]. The Country was thrown into a period of warfare [3]. The insurrection of the tribal units against Òyó led to the fall of this ancient empire. With the absence of a central authority, different units waged war against themselves. The subsequent wars that took place were mere reflection of the problems at the center, i.e. the Òyó Empire had lost its grip and control of the whole Yorùbá kingdom. The fall of the Òyó Empire therefore gave way for different uprisings in the Kingdom [4]. 

Take for instance, had the Òyó Empire not fallen, the Lásinmí war would never have happened. All tribal units were tributary to the king and the Kakanfo could not have demanded the Timi of Ede to pay tributes to him. Many others wars could have also been prevented if there was a central authority. The fall of Òyó made the Yorùbá country a headless kingdom where anything could happen, with each tribal unit fighting for its survival. Thus, it can be said that the intertribal war was an aftermath of the fall of the Òyó Empire [5].

Certainty, these three wars occurred before the Èkìtì parapo war. It should be noted that the Èkìtì Parapo war was as a result of Ibadan’s imperialism on Èkìtì. This imperialism forced the Èkìtìs to form a fraternity known as the ‘Èkìtì Parapo’. It should be noted that this war took place in the 19th century. To prove this fact, the Ibadan history has to be examined in relation to the Owú and Lásinmí. Some events would have to be examined and some questions answered in order to verify this fact [6].

In examining how the settlement of Ibadan came to be, History tells us that before the Erumu war, Ibadan was occupied as a military headquarters for marauding and other expeditions. It was after the fall of Erumu that the rest of the war chiefs occupied the settlement. A public meeting was held and they decided to make Ibadan their permanent settlement. During the time of Maye, Ibadan was occupied by marauders (Ife, Ijebu, Òyó and Egba chiefs). Maye was the leader of this people. This means that Ibadan was not yet a recognised Yorùbá town at this time. It was said that when the Òyós pursued Maye out of Ibadan for favouring an Owú man over an Òyó man, he was invited to Erumu and they offered him friendship because his calamity was caused by espousing the cause of an Owú man. It should be noted that Erumu was the chief vassal state of Owú. It was to Erumu that the OlOwú and his people escaped to when Owú was taken in the Owú war. This shows that before people started to settle in Ibadan, the Owú war had taken place.      

Since the Èkìtì Parapo war was a result of Ibadan imperialism, this means that the Owú war preceded the Èkìtì Parapo war because at the time of the Owú war, people had not settled in Ibadan.

We should also remember that as the Owú war was raging in the south, the Lásinmí war was also raging in the northern part of the country. To this effect, the Lásinmí war also preceded the Èkìtì Parapo war [7].

Concept of War in the Old Òyó Empire

According to Samuel Johnson, in early times, war expeditions were sent out every other year by the Alaafin of Òyó to distant countries mainly amongst the Popos [8]. War then was for spoils and to prevent idleness, not for captives. The victors rarely pursued the vanquished; those who concealed themselves behind heaps of rubbish, or in any hiding place in the town or in the fields were quite safe. When a town was taken the shade trees about the principal market—which is always in front of the official residence of the chief ruler of the town—are cut down as a sign of conquest. Slave-raiding and the traffic in human beings did not then exist. Long sieges were unknown, for whether victorious or defeated, the presence of the Kakanfo or his corpse was expected home within 60 days. There never was or has been a standing army, nor any trained soldiers (except at Ibadan latterly where the idea began to germinate and some of the chiefs had a number of their slaves trained solely for war; some chiefs had also a corps of boys, not to bear arms, but to be attendant on them in battle, in order to familiarize them with the horrors of war. But according to the custom of the country, every man capable of bearing arms is expected to serve in war; but the law did not make it compulsory except for men of rank and title and for home defence [9].

At the close of every war, each one goes away to his farm, and, except on an occasion of importance, as when the King's messengers are to be received, even the Bale and the Balogun could not be found at home during the day at the busy seasons. Before the introduction of fire-arms (a comparatively recent affair) their weapons of war consisted of bow and poisoned arrows, a short sword called Jǫmǫ and Ogbo a kind of heavy cutlass used chiefly by the common people [10].

As sieges then were of short duration and always carried on in the dry season, there was no necessity to provide against severe weather; the chieftains generally used awnings made of Ayin mats spread on four poles. Since sieges began to be carried on for more than 60 days, booths of palm branches have come into use and in later times even these have given way to huts and houses built of swish. The preserved food used in earlier expeditions consisted of parched beans and sort of hard bread made of beans and corn (maize) flour called Akara-kuru [11].

Samuel Johnson gave a vivid account of the Yoruba military organization. He described the Yoruba army as a composition of important leaders and their followers; each chief bringing with him his personal armed retainers and also a much larger group bound to him by family or other allegiance and called from their peacetime occupations on the proclamation of war. He further pointed out that, due to the existence of slaves in this era, some chiefs also include their trained slaves into the troops [12].

Furthermore, subordinate towns are also compelled to contribute to the main army. Ajayi and Smith gave an example of how Igangan was required to send a quota of armed men, food and ammunitions during the Egba war of the 19th century [13]. Burton further described the Egba army as consisting of the chiefs with their followers and at them heals a ‘mob of sutlers’ carrying on their heads the arms, ammunition, beds and provisions of the fighting men. Certainly, the impression given by the Yoruba armies on the move compared to most other army in other part of the world must have been a confusing one. Hence, Johnson’s analysis was curled from Jone’s expert observation, given coherence to the picture [14].

Each Chief bore a senior or junior war title and thus indicated broadly the nature of his command and the place of himself and his followers on battle. These chiefs were the “Oye Ilu” or bearers of titles conferred by the ruler of a town. At the centre of the army was the Balogun or commander in chief, with a series of subordinates; the Otun, commanding the right wing; the Osi, commanding the left wing; the Asipa, their equal and after him in same order; the Ekerin; Ekarun and Ekafa. The younger chiefs and their followers, on whom the brunt of battle generally fell, were grouped separately under the Seriki while the van was commanded by the Sarumi. Each of these generals had lieutenants bearing similar titles to those of the Balogun’s veteran and exercising similar commands. Meanwhile, a number of older chiefs representing the king accompanied the army as advisers and guardians of the camp and baggage train [15].

Strategy was not employed in most of the Yoruba wars fought in the 19th century. This is linked to the failed central authority of Oyo which prevented an effective development of any policy that was supposed to prevent the people from the attached of the Fulani and Dahomi invaders [16]. 

Owú and Lásinmí Wars, (1817-1824)

The fall of the old Òyó Empire paved way for an era of insurgence in the Yorùbá kingdom. This new epoch was marked by internecine wars, intertribal conflicts, tribal independence and anarchy. The collapse of the central authority precipitated almost a century of warfare in the Yorùbá kingdom. The Owú war happened to be just one of the numerous conflicts that threatened to tear the Yorùbá country apart [17].

According to Samuel Johnson, the Owús (although now domiciled with the Egbas) are a family quite distinct from Egbas or Oyos. Hardihood, stubbornness, immorality and haughtiness are marked traits in their character. Either sex when roused by passion would sooner die than not take dire revenge. Their manners were totally different from those of the Oyos, but from the days of Sango they have been very loyal to the Alaafin of Oyo [18]. As warriors, the Owús were hardy, brave and courageous; they had no guns, their weapons consisting of the Agedengbe (a long heavy cutlass) with bows and arrows. Coming to close quarters with cutlass in hand was the mode of fighting characteristic of these brave people.

Tension between the Ifes and the Owús heated when the ‘Onikoyi’ and ‘Toyeje’ the Kakanfo instructed the OlOwú to stop the selling of people as slaves at the Apomu market. In abid to stop this act, some Ife towns were destroyed in the process. This could be seen as the primary cause of the war as the Ife's were infuriated. With the dire already cast, the Ooni of Ife declared war on the Owús, thinking that the Owú's will easily be subdued. This happened to be a miscalculation because when the two parties engaged in a hand-to-hand battle at Iwo, the Ifes were completely routed by the fierce and haughty Owús. The survivors of the Iwo clash were offered refuge in Adunbieye by the king of Iwo, hoping that they might regroup and launch a counter attack against the Owús he despised [19].

Not long after the battle with the Ifes, another discord swelled between the Owús and the Ijebu traders at Apomu market. The conflict was said to be as a result of the sale of alligator pepper. Typical of the rash Owús, they destroyed Apomu and in the process, many Ijebu traders lost their lives and properties. On the advice of the king of Iwo, the Ijebus and the Ifes now formed an alliance against a common enemy (Owú) and thus, the Ijebus declared war against the Owús [20]. 

As in the case of Ife, the Owús were incensed when they heard that the Ijebus declared war on them. The Owús engaged the Ijebus in a combat twice but they were repelled by the strong ammunition of the Ijebus. On the third meeting, the Owús fled to their town to prevent it from the impending siege by the advancing enemies. The Owús fought bravely and held out as long as they could. They destroyed some of the allied forces but the reinforcements flooding in made the battle hard for Owú. The besieged city was reduced by famine and in the end they capitulated. It is sad that the king opened the gates and escaped to Erumu. Ikija was also destroyed by the allies for befriending Owú. The impact of this war is very great and is one that will be remembered in the annals of Yorùbá history [21].

Like every war, the aftermath is usually devastating. The Owú war marked the fall of the people of Owú. Following the incident, the Owús fled to Erumu to seek refuge. The war heightened the tension in the Yorùbá country as in this period tribal units rose up against each other. The war also displaced the Owús away from their homes for a long time. After the war, Owú was placed under an interdict to never be rebuilt. It should also be noted that gunpowder was used for the first time in Yorùbá history. This Owú war signified advancement in Yorùbá Warfare [22].

In the period of anarchy, war was a frequent occurrence in the Yorùbá kingdom. The Owú and the Lásinmí war were closely dated but took place in different regions. The Lásinmí war took place in the Northern part of the country while the Owú war took place in the South. The Lásinmí war was not as intense as the Owú war or did not swell to the magnitude of the Owú war because of some techniques employed which brought the war to a peaceful end. The Onikoyi being the greatest provincial king was determined to subjugating other chiefs. Standing in his way was Kakanfo Toyeje at Ogbomosho. To rival Toyeje, Onikoyi made Edun of Gbogun an opposing Kakanfo. The war ensued when the Timi of Ede refused to pay tribute to the Kakanfo at Ogbomoso. Though Timi was not tributary to the Kakanfo, the latter sought an opportunity to reduce Ede. Balogun Lásinmí on the order of the Kakanfo besieged the town. As written earlier, the war was brought to a peaceful end through diplomatic techniques [23].

Diplomatic Manoeuvring: Techniques and Consequences 

The diplomatic techniques used in the Lásinmí war will be discussed explicitly in the paragraphs to come. A term of peace was negotiated between Timi and and Asegbe and the seige was raised. The Lásinmí war draws the attention of the world to diplomacy among the Yorùbás in the earliest times. Different techniques were used to pacify warring parties and to prevent the further conflicts [24]. 

From time immemorial, diplomatic techniques have been used to settle disputes in Yorùbá land. They used techniques such as giving of gifts and negotiations to resolve disputes amicably. Diplomacy is very vivid in the Lásinmí war as the war was diplomatically brought to a peaceful end [25]. The difference diplomacy made in these two wars is very clear. While the two parties in the Lásinmí war resolved the conflict amicably, the Owús, Ifes and Ijebus resorted to war as means of ending the conflict. When Balogun Lásinmí besieged Ede, the town was able to hold out because food was placed in earthen pots around the town which meant that the combatants would not suffer from hunger [26].

The siege was brought to an end when Asegbe, the Olofas Ilari told the people to surrender to avoid bloodshed. He said the siege would be raised if the people of Ede capitulated. As said earlier said gift giving was one of the diplomatic techniques [27]. This was seen when the Timi sent a bottle of gin to the Ilari which the latter drank with his attendants. The empty bottle was sent back to the Timi as a sign that he accepted the gift. As in every negotiation, there are terms and conditions to resolve the conflict. The Timi sent people to enquire how the negotiations would be carried out. Asegbe told him to send ten bags of cowries, ten goats and capitulate. The fine was paid and the siege was raised. The Lásinmí war perfectly shows how negotiations were used to settle wars in the Yorùbá land. 

These revolutionary wars have several consequences, ranging from social, economic to political. To start with the disruption of families and social lives, it is imperative to mention that these wars were characterised by sudden disappearance, death and kidnapping. Husbands got missing, while wives turned into widows. Houses and farmlands were razed to the ground while mistrust strived among the people [28]. The wars brought about the emergence of new settlements across sub-ethnic loyalties. Example of such settlement is Ibadan; a mixture of many groups of people from all over Yorubaland. Despite the diversity in sub-ethnic derivations, they all agreed to live together under the same enclave [29].

Politically, the wars resulted into a loss of freedom for individuals and settlements. Safety of lives and properties were no longer guaranteed by age-grades or close relatives, rather, it requires a strong link with a powerful war chief for safety and defence. This necessary access to powerful war chiefs made people forfeit their personal freedom and choice; they now depend sole on these war chiefs for directives. Many of these war chiefs rose to the status of traditional rulers that could not be challenged. According to Omolewa:

Many of them established military dictatorships, as at Ijaye. Some assembled to establish a republican system of administration as at Ibadan. Names like Ajayi, Latosisa, Ogunmola, Onafowokan, Ogedengbe, Oluyole, Sodeke and Ibikunle emerged from the battle field [30].

Another political consequence of the wars was the development of new settlements and communities. Examples of such settlements and communities are; Modakeke (near Ile-Ife), Abeokuta (behind Olumo rock), Oyo, Ayede and Sagamu. These new settlements began new political experiences and relationships. 

These revolutionary wars also settled a number of political issues. The Ekitiparapo confederation was able to liberate themselves from the imperialism of Ibadan through the Ekitiparapo wars (Kiriji, Jalumi, Fejeboju) 1877-1893. The supremacy of Ibadan over Yorubaland after the fall of Oyo Empire was as a result of the several wars she faults with the Egbas’ and Ijebus’ [30]. This compelled them (Egba and Ijebu) to open up their roads for Ibadan. The Osogbo war of 1840 between Ibadan and Ilorin liberated the Yoruba nation from the constant intimidation by the Fulani people.

The use of tact and common sense in Africa political development did not start with colonialism. As a matter of fact, the developments of new settlement patterns were products of pre-colonial wars. These wars were characterized by diplomatic moves, tactics and strategies which either elongated them, or led to their quick end. War in a basic aspect of human development. It has visualized the complex nature of human relationship even in pre-literate times. The nature of man and its environment plays a vital role in starting most wars in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Hence, the Owú and Lásinmí war were also revolutionary wars that established class formation. The war however brought prosperity to families who acted as middlemen and suppliers of weapons from the coast. It also brought considerable wealth to the Europeans who by this time had started establishing trade relationships with the middlemen through the supplies of guns.

1. P.C. Lloyd. "The Traditional Political System of the Yoruba." South Western Journal of Anthropology, vol. 10, no. 4, 1954. See also J.A. Atanda. “An Introduction to Yoruba History”. Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press, 1980.

2. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. "London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921.

3. J.F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1971.

4. J.A. Atanda. An Introduction to Yoruba History. “Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press”, 1980.

5. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921. See also J.A. Atanda. An Introduction to Yoruba History. Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press, 1980.

6. P. Morton-Williams. "Some Yoruba Kingdoms under Modern Conditions." Journal of African Administration, vol. 7, no. 4, 1955.

7. S.A. Akintoye. Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland, 1840–1993. “London: Longman Group Limited, 1971”. See also J.F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1971, pp. 13–14.

8. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921, pp. 131–132.

9. J.F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. “Ibadan: Ibadan University Press”, 1971, pp. 13–14.

10. K. Balogun. Government in Old Òyó Empire. “Lagos: Africans Publishers and Co”., 1985, p. 64.

11. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921, pp. 159–160.

12. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921, pp. 131–132.

13. J.F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. “Ibadan: Ibadan University Press”, 1971, pp. 13–14.

14. K. Balogun. Government in Old Òyó Empire. “Lagos: Africans Publishers and Co”., 1985, p. 64. See also J. F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1971, pp. 13–14.

15. O.S. Osadola and A. Adeleye. "A Re-Assessment of the Exceptional Indigenous Political Setting of the Yorubas: Historicizing the Formation of Old Oyo Empire," vol. 19, iss. 6. See also J. F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1971, pp. 13–14.

16. J.F. Ade Ajayi and R. Smith. Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. “Ibadan: Ibadan University Press”, 1971, p. 29.

17. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921, pp. 159–160.

18. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas, p. 161.

19. K. Balogun. Government in Old Òyó Empire. “Lagos: Africans Publishers and Co”., 1985, p. 64.

20. K. Balogun. Government in Old Òyó Empire. “Lagos: Africans Publishers and Co”., 1985, p. 65.

21. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921, pp. 159–160.

22. K. Balogun. Government in Old Òyó Empire. “Lagos: Africans Publishers and Co”., 1985, p. 64.

23. S.O. Johnson. History of the Yorubas. “London: Lowe and Brydone Printers”, 1921, pp. 159–160.

24. S.A. Akintoye. Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland, 1840–1993. “London: Longman Group Limited”, 1971.

25. J.A. Atanda. An Introduction to Yoruba History. “Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press”, 1980.

26. K. Balogun. Government in Old Òyó Empire. “Lagos: Africans Publishers and Co”., 1985, p. 64.

27. M. Omolewa. Certificate History of Nigeria. “Lagos: Learn Africa Plc”., 1986, p. 131.

28. M. Omolewa. Certificate History of Nigeria. “Lagos: Learn Africa Plc”., 1986, p. 132. See also J.F. Ajayi and S.A. Akintoye. "Yorubaland in the Nineteenth Century," in O. Ikime (Ed.), Groundwork of Nigerian History. Ibadan, 1980.

29. J.A. Atanda. An Introduction to Yoruba History. “Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press”, 1980.

30. S.A. Akintoye. Revolution and Power Politics in Yorubaland: Ibadan Expansion and the Rise of the Ekitiparapo. London, 1971.