Miteri Kinship is a distinct type of social bond determined by social, religious, and cultural factors. It is also called ceremonial bonded kin or ritual kin. It is a kind of fictive kinship but differs from all fictive kins. Other fictive kins are not based on religious values, but Miteri kinship is based on religious values in Nepal. Religious ideologies and values determine the process of joining Mit relation. Religious values also guide behavior, obligation, sanction among Miteri kins groups. It is defined as social cement to join individuals among communities and kins groups. The literal meaning of Miteri is friendship and Mit Laune is the joining process of friendship. Miteri is binding with the same sex but different caste, class, and religion. The male who is involved in the Miteri system is called Mit and the female who is joining in Miteri system is called Mitini. Messerschmidt defined Miteri as an individualistic form of fictive or ritual kinship common among Hindu castes and ethnic groups of Nepal [1]. There was not found the actual date of practicing Miteri Kinship in the Rai community of the eastern part of Nepal. But it was claimed that Miteri kinship was introduced along with the migration of high caste Hindus in the eastern part of Nepal. 

Historically, Nepali society was formed by Hindus ideology and caste system, where caste endogamy marriage had been practiced. Same rank caste may marry with same caste line. Caste endogamy marriage may restrict to joining the affinal kinship among different caste groups. Same caste groups may marry with each other but different caste groups may not marry with different caste groups such as Brahmin can marry with Brahmin, Chhetri can marry with Chhetri, Rai people also allow to marry within Rai. Sharma [2], elaborates that caste endogamy makes caste purity and ensures ritual purity. Children born from the parent of isogamy and socially approved marriage, are those who can attain full ritual status. Isogamy is the marriage that allows Brahmin to retain their high caste status [2], but some cases of intercaste marriage may be occurred by the Sanskritization process [3]. Likewise, Rosser [4], states that wealthy Jyapu boy has no chance to marry Shrestha girl. This type of caste-based marriage value does not join the affinal kinship relationship with different caste groups. In this context, Miteri kinship may join the different caste groups to each other. In Nepal, Miteri kinship became the main means of integration between ethnic and caste groups. Hindu religious texts traced out the antiquities of Miteri Sanio and depicted the religious importance of Miteri Saino. Like, Swasthani Vartkatha, Ramayan. Mit Saino was introduced with the ideology and values of building relations within inter-caste relations, caste-ethnic relations, inter-religious group relations. In the caste system, Miteri kinship was also practiced between foreigners and Nepali for increasing intimacy and cooperation. It was found that foreigner Lynn Benett joined the Miteri Kinship with Chhetri girl during her fieldwork in Narikot. Then, she became a ritual daughter, sister and tied whole kin networks. Her presence became more comprehensible and acceptable to other villagers [5]. Rai is an indigenous person of Nepal. Kiranti is the ancestor of Rai, and the Kiranti Dynasty is the foundation of Nepalese history, which ruled over thirty-three descent of Nepal. 'Kirat Pradesh' is the ancestral land of the Rai people. Kirant Pradesh is situated in the eastern part of modern Nepal, which is divided into Wallo Kirant (near Kirant), Majha Kirant (middle Kirant), and Pallo Kirant (far Kirant). Majha Kirant is also known as Khumbuwan. Majha Kirant covers Solukhumbu, Okhaldhunga, Khotang and Bhojpur. 

Historically, there is no exact date of when did Kiranti become Rai, but the term 'Rai' term originated from 'Ray', which means 'the king'. Many researchers have concluded that when Prthivinarayan Shah captured middle Kirant and far Kirant then he appointed local Kiranti to work as intermediaries' local people and government. Then, Khumbu was given the title 'Rai' and Limbu the title 'Subba'. Both titles same meaning 'chief' or 'headman'.

The meaning of Rai is 'headman'. These headmen were given royal commissions and the honorific title 'Rai' [6]. Nowadays, almost all of the Kirati indigenous people use the 'Rai' for their identity from generation to generation. The influence of the caste system after the unification of Shah Rulers was high in the Kirat region. Rai people were more influenced than Limbu by the high caste Brahman. Brahman was much influenced by the Limbu [7]. The entry of the caste system in the Rai community itself makes a new relationship between caste-ethnic relations.

Statement of the Problems

Earlier studies on kinship focused on the consanguinity and affinity kinship. Later scholars conceptualized kinship as a social connection and cultural connection. Morgan describes that kinship is made by blood and marriage relation. Schneider defines that kinship is produced by the cultural process, which is symbolized and assigned certain meanings. He gives equal priority to consanguine, affinal, ritual, and fictive kinship. Shalin views kinship as a mutual connection and belonging, socially constructed and symbolically represented. Okada [8], had done ethnographic research on Miteri kinship in Nepal. He argues that Miteri kinship is a ritual brotherhood, which tends to warm relationships and promote help to each other in a problematic situation.

Some scholars and researchers have done research on the Miteri kinship in terms of social cohesiveness and solidarity but less attention on the power, status, and prestige and its changing situation in Nepal. Okada [8] and Leonhard [9], have more focused on the ritual and brotherhood and sisterhood aspects of Miteri Kinship. Okada [8], notes such relationships are also known as Ingzong among the Lepchas of Sikkim in India, Ganye, and Kidu among Tibetans. These studies do not cover the changing pattern of Miteri kinship among Rai. 

Some scholars have explored the causes of practicing in Mit Saino. Like, Leonhard [9], Okada [8], Prindle [10], and Messershcimdt [1], explored the affective and instrumental reasons behind the practicing of Miteri kinship and it is formalized through ritual and religious functions and cuts down across different segments of caste hierarchy. 

Nepalese society caste-based society, where different castes, ethnic, and religious groups have been residing since ancient times. The caste system was introduced from the Lichhavi period in Nepal [7]. Now, caste is an integral structure of Nepalese society. Nepalese society was formed caste-based values and ideologies such as hierarchy among caste groups, pure and impure castes, marriage restriction, prohibition to participation and entre, untouchable, etc. Recently, caste-based ideology and values are still changing now, which may affect the Mireri Kinship but not give attention to study the changing pattern of Mitreri kinship

Messerschimdt [1], states that Miteri kinship allows the alternative fictive kinship instead of caste restriction on consanguinity and affinity kinships and allows bonds of association to flourish vertically between all levels [1]. Caste and ethnic cohesiveness have been seen till now through bonds of the Miteri Saino. Wolf ritual kinship ties the real kins and tends to link individuals, networks of individuals, and larger solidarity groups together for affective and instrumental reasons but less attention on the power relation. The binding of other endogamous groups attaining a certain type of power, prestige needs to be analyzed. Sharma [2], has not indicated the Miteri kinship on caste social mobility. But, Miteri kinship plays to promote caste-ethnic relations and caste social mobility.

New types of social mobility emerging and social surroundings to change, So this article deals with the practice of Miteri kinship in Rai ethnic group in terms of power, prestige, and status and its changing patterns. 

Parsons [11], pointed out that the modernization process brought a change in the kinship system. The importance and value of kin relations are lost in modern societies. Social life is free from traditional social institutions. Economic and political activities are more formal than before. The extended family is declining due to industrialization and urbanization. He points out the changing pattern of kinship in modern society. Kinship is based on ascribed quality in traditional society. This type of kinship relation is changed into an achieved quality in modern society. 

Like Parsons, Geschiere [12], argues the kinships system is changed by the modernization processes. He applies the Parson's pattern variables to the study of kinship. When the traditional society changes into modern society, the kinship system is also found changing like ascription-based kinship is changed into achievement kinship. 

Liwak opposes the Parsons's hypothesis, like high mobility of labor force is found in modern society, that lead to change in kinship relation. Kinship values are declining; people give less priority to their kin relations. Unlike Parsons, he argues that kinship values do not decline due to the high mobility of the labor force. He found that the value of the extended family for American migrant workers is not declining.

The rationale for the selection of this study area is historical place of Rai people. Diprung amd Chuichumama were petty state of Kirant Rai before the unification of Nepal. During the Rana period, Diprung and Chuichumma were recognized as Thum which means local administrative bodies of the state. Study area is located in Diprung Chichumma rural municipality, Khotang district. It is surrounded by Sakela Rural Municipality in the east, Halesi Tuwachung Urban Municipality and Udaypur district in the west, Diktel Rupakot Majhuwagadhi Urban Municipality and Sakela Rural Municipality in the north and Khotehang Rural Municipality in the south. The universe of the study is unknown so it has been adopted the purposive sampling method. The sampling unit of this research is who join the Miteri relationship. Primary and secondary data have been collected. The nature of data is qualitative. An interview schedule and key informants interview have been used to get detailed information about changing pattern of Miteri kinship. Qualitative data has been interpreted.

Change in Process of Binding Miteri Kinship

Mit Bolne (verbally joining Mit): According to the key informant's interview, it is the initial stage of binding Mit Saino where both parties are willing to bind Mit Saino then they verbally became Mit or Mitini to each other. In this stage, mediators bind Miteri relation maybe their friends and relatives like father, mother, brother and sister, etc. and may not be their relative but only both parties. Miteri relationship is decided by their relatives, friends, and themselves. Now, it is less important, those are directly joined Miteri kinship by themselves. The mediator role is decreasing now, not necessary for processes of binding in Miteri kinship. Mit Bolne process is different than before. The following statements are as follows:

I have joined Miteri relation recently with a neighboring friend. We did not know about Mit Bolne process. We directly joined each other as Miteri relation. There was no mediator for binding the Miteri relations. I gathered some of my friends and he also gathered some friends. Then we have exchanged our Chino (gift) with each other. There was no need for ritual functions for joining Miteri relations. I heard that Mit bolne process should perform at first who want to join Miteri relation, now it is not necessary to perform. 

(Interview with the respondent, Nabin Rai)

Chino Satne (Exchange Symbolic Goods)

This process religiously binds both parties and makes their relationship sacred. He/She is obliged to perform their role to each other. Chino Satne function is organized on an auspicious day like Satyanarayan Puja (Worship of Satyanarya), Shivaratri. Puran and Baishakhe Purne. It is ritualized by a Brahmin priest whose role is very important to bind both parties ritually and religiously. Nevertheless, both are not binding religiously and may not restrict each other. Their obligation and restriction of Mit Saino begin after the completion of this process. Neighbors, relatives, and friends are invited to this occasion of both parties. In the Rai community, Waitung and Dhiatung are invited but Nachhung is not necessary to perform this ceremony. According to the key informant, Chino Satne (exchange symbolic goods) process is changing now. There is no need for an auspicious day for Chino Satne function. The role of the Brahmin priest is not necessary now. Neighbors, relatives, and friends are not invited to take part in the celebration of Chino Satne. It indicates that the religious importance of Miteri relations is reducing. The main binding forces of religious value in Miteri relations are decreasing now. 

Change in Power, Prestige, Status by Modernization

Power is determined by social and cultural changing patterns. Its manifestation of home, workplace, school, community, state, etc. creates social and cultural relations. Human always experiences by themselves. Etzioni [13], categorized three types of powers: coercive power, remuneration power, and normative power. Coercive power is the physical sanction and force that restricts individual activities. Remunerative power refers to the control over resources and rewards. Normative power is the allocation and manipulation of symbolic rewards and prestige symbols [13]. The application of these powers is considered as the main factor to joining Miteri kinship in the Rai community. Rai is an indigenous group directed by the migrant caste's group's power and Migrants caste groups are subordinated actors to the power applied.

Mit Saino interlinking between different power relations and status group generates different power sources. Prithivi Narayan Shah the king of Gorkha was joining Miteri Saina as an adaptive and strategic model to gain the power to annex Kantipur and Lalitpur principalities. He joined Miteri relationship with the son of King Ranjit Malla of Bhaktapur. He took power from the Bhaktapur Palace to annex Kathmandu Valley under the Gorkhali kingdom [14]. Gorkhali king annexed Majhakirat in January 1773 [15]. After the unification of Nepal, caste and ethnic groups start to interact intensively with each other and developed certain types of caste ethnic relations. High caste hill groups like Bahun and Chhetri are powerful groups in political, administrative sectors. These castes have highly enjoyed political power in all spheres of Nepali society. 

Miteri Saino promotes social integration and social solidarity at the family, lineage, and community level. Individual who joins the Miteri Saino experience more security than others, and increasing safety network, cooperative network. The degree of safety network and personal power is dependent on the power and status of his/her Mit partner. Okada [8], argues that Miteri kinship is a ritual brotherhood, which tends to warm relationships and promote help to each other in a problematic situation. 

In key informant interviews, the purpose of joining Mit Saino is to make better relation in village-level relation and inter-village level relation and power balance among local caste and ethnic relations. Miteri Saino is joining among Rai community among Roka Chhetri, Sigdel, Karki. The reason for taking Miteri Saino is the instrumental or practical reason which is mentioned by Messerschimdt [1]. He also mentions five reasons for joining Miteri Saino are membership criteria, affective and instrumental reasons, obligation and responsibility, ceremony and ritual, strength or duration of the Miteri bond. One respondent expresses the reasons for joining Mit Saino: 

After the unification of Majha Kirant, caste people like Chhetri, Khadka, and Sigdel were migrated from the western part of modern Nepal. In this period, Miteri kinship was evolved in this area to intertwine caste groups and Rai people. New migrants needed help and support from the local indigenous Rai. Rai also needed new migrants to gain administrative power. Rai provided some land for the new migrants for settlements and farming. New migrants helped them to administrative sectors to collect revenue and land tax. They accepted Rai as a local King. Miteri was a major binding force and bridge between Rai and other migrated caste groups. Nowadays, other formal relationships are more practice, and people of the study area are interlinking globally and modernizing their lifestyle. So its importance on integration of caste and ethnic group is decreasing. Other factors like formal politics and formal works play a great role to integrate each other. 

Based on the power relation, Mit Saino was changed in the Rai community due to the modernization process. In the past, Rai people believed that they have powers like coercive power, remuneration power, and symbolic power. Both parties who joined in Miteri kinship realized that these powers are the most significant in their life. After modernizing process of Nepal, these power relations are decreasing now. 

Max Weber argues that if the traditional society is changed into a capitalist society, the social status will be changed from the hereditary social status to achieved status. Like Max Weber, Parsons also argues that the ascription status is found in traditional society, and achieved status is found in modern society cited by [16]. Similarly, the Rai community was changed gradually from traditional to modern society. Rai's headman was changed gradually by the introduction of a formal bureaucratic system and formal political institutions.

Change in Caste-ethnic Relation by Modernization According to key informants, Miteri kinship plays important role in caste and ethnic group relations. Rai was confined to marrying within Rai and Caste groups like Roka, Sigdel, Karki also were confined to marrying within their caste groups. The caste endogamous marriage system limits the kinship relationship within only similar caste groups. Therefore, the expansion of kinship relationships among other caste groups needs Miteri kinship. Now, the rigid caste system has changed due to the modernization of Nepali society. Most young Rai people do not consider it bad to inter-caste marriage now. In the past, Miteri kinship was also considered as religious and cultural high significance in the Rai community. After the restoration of democracy in Nepal, ethnic movements and ethnic identity politics emerged as burning issues also helps to reduce the values of Miteri kinship in the Rai community. Rai community boycotted Dashain festivals and revived their feast and festivals in the study area. It also helped to bring changes to the Miteri kinship. A respondent has given his view on the changing Miteri kinship as follows:

I am a Khuse Rai (change real name). My Mitini is Kanchhi Sigdelni. I thanked her that my Mitini is a superior caste and I also respected her. I was also honored to high castes like Brahmin, Chhetri and addressed Baje, Baju. We joined each other as Mitini on an auspicious day like Satyanarayan Puja. The Brahmin priest performed the ritual and made our sacred relationship. We exchanged gifts with each other like I gave my watch and she gave me to watch and also exchanged clothes. We visited each other's houses on the occasion of feasts and festivals. I still remembered that I went to her house at the Dashain festival to take bless from Mit Bau and Mit Ama. My Mitini came to my house in Sakela Parva (Rai's great festival). After Dashain boycotting in our community, I did not visit my Mitini house on the occasion of the Dashain festival. My Mitini also did not visit my house on the occasion of festivals like Sakela.

(Interview with Khuse Rai)

Ethnic identity politics were introduced in Nepal after 1990. Lawati [17], states that ethnic identity politics became much more visible after 1990. Caste-ethnic relations are changing for gaining equal recognition of languages, religion, and culture [17]. According to Key informants, the Dashain boycotting movement was introduced at first at Pipale Danda and Buikhuwa in B. S. 2055. In this area, all clan groups were assembled and decided to boycott the Dashain from B. S. 2062. This decision made an indirect impact on the Miteri Kinship in the study area. Caste-ethnic relations are considered as changing now than in the past. Khumbuwan (ethnic based party) insurgency was started in 1999 [17], may also affect the caste-ethnic relation. These movements are based on the modernization of the political institution of Nepal but it tends to bring change in Miteri kinship in the Rai community. Key Informants reminds that the boycotting of the Dashain is as follows:

We are Kirat Rai having our own culture, language, and ancestral land. We were imposed on Hindu culture since the unification of Nepal. In this area, we started to perform the Dashain festival from the establishment of local administration like eastern 3 number in the Rana period. A person who was the leader of Khumbuwan came here and awaked about boycotting the Dashain. He also stated that Miteri Kinship is not god but It is the strategy of migrated Bahun Chhetri for control over land, resources, and power. Gradually, we lost our Kipat system by the state's rules and regulations. In jockey terms, it is Bahun-Chhetris' technique of drinking liquor and eating pork meat in the Rai community.

(Interview with Sahila Rai)

The political dimension is changed in Nepal after the restoration of democracy. Its influence seems also in the Rai community. The role of formal local administrations is also increased reshapes the political institution of the Rai community. Weber indicates that the particularistic prevailing law is changed into universalistic law in modern society. The prevalence of universalistic law by the rational and impersonal bureaucratic organizations is intensifying in the Rai community led to change the Miteri Saino. Khumbuwan insurgency was started in 1999 and increased in 2001-02 [17], affects the caste-ethnic relation in the Rai community. According to the above statements, Khumbuwan Leader is the prime change agent of the Rai community, who awaked among Rai people with arise antiBrahminical value. His role is to ensure Rai's indigenous rights, revive of Rai culture, and inclusiveness of the Rai community. Boycotting of the Dashain is a kind of change of caste-ethnic relation which makes weakening the Miteri Saino in the Rai Community. Parsons [11] pointed out that the modernization process brought a change in the kinship system. The importance and value of kin relations are lost in modern societies. Like Parsons, the importance and value of Miteri Saino is decreasing now in the Rai community.

Change in Reciprocity Activities by Modernization

Sahlin introduces reciprocity into three types: generalized reciprocity, balanced reciprocity, and negative reciprocity. Generalized reciprocity exists in the inner circle (house/ family) based on altruistic actions. It is a kind of exchange of goods and services, where reciprocate should not oblige immediate return. It has high social value and meaning so it is a true gift. Balanced reciprocity is based on the material exchange and individual interests, where reciprocate should oblige to immediate return. It has less social value and highly material values. Negative reciprocity is defined as the distance from the inner circle increases then exchange parties seek more benefit. It is based on the bargaining and trickery between exchange parties. It has no social value and meaning [18]. 

Miteri relationship is made close and strong by the reciprocity activities. Reciprocity activities are destructed by adapting the modernizing process in the Rai community. According to the key informants, before 1960 there was found less modernizing process in the Rai community. British Gurkha servicemen and Indian Gurkha soldiers (Lahure) were the major sources of modernizing the Rai community. Formal education and administrative units introduced modernity in the Rai community. There was found a little barter system within kin and neighboring network. After 1990, the Rai community was modernized with the globalization process of Nepal. Most of the young people practiced joining foreign employment as new Lahure. Road connectivity is important for changing the Rai community. The dynamic of the Rai community helps to led change the Miteri kinship. Reciprocal exchanges are changing now in the Miteri kin network. A respondent states the gift-giving activities in Miteri kin network as follows.

My Mit caste is Katuwal, who lived at Khudurke (name of the place) relatively his settlement is higher than my settlement. It is also called Lek (upland). In the past 15 years, my Mit gave packs of potatoes, and Gundurk (dry Greenleaf) in the summer season without any expectation of return. I returned packs of paddy and oranges in the winter season. My Mit gifted to me a he-goat and a he-buffalo in my son's marriage ceremony. I also gifted her daughter a golden ring in her marriage ceremony. We had not any kind of interest in our exchange, only a matter of Koseli (gift-giving and receiving). Koseli is a kind of social and cultural honor of each other relationship that helped to join each other trouble and happiness. My Mit support to me any kind of problems and I also helped to him similarly. Now, my Mit migrated to Gaighat (Udaypur district), our reciprocal exchange has not been done recently. Gradually, I have missed my Mit and My Mit also missed me. 

(Interview with the respondent, Nar Bahadur Rai)

From the above statements, migration is the cause of the deterioration of the reciprocal relationship. Gaighat is the headquarters of the Udayapur district. It is a higher urbanized place than the study area. So the attraction of the modern life of Gaighat helps to destruct the concept of Shalins's general reciprocity. Shalini's balanced reciprocity and negative reciprocity are found in the urban area. Ghaighat as an urban area, migrant Mit does not continue generalized reciprocity with his Mit of Khutumbu as a rural area. The value of Koseli seems to decrease now due to the impact of the modernization process. The Miteri Saino is governed by universalistic norms and values like Talcott Parsons. Urban migration affects the particularistic values and norms of the Miteri Saino that tend s bring change in generalized reciprocity between Mits. With the help of Sratup [19], argument, migration helped to modify the Miteri Saino in the Rai Community.

There is found balanced reciprocity and negative reciprocity in the Miteri kin network. The experiences of a respondent present as follows:

I have been joining Miteri relationship since 1990. My Mit is Karki, I do have not sufficient millet for making alcohol. My Mit sells to me surplus millet. I also sell to him liquor in cash. I sell pig meat to him. He sells my chicken and buffalo for meat. Once a time, I did not pay the cost of he-buffalo. Then he made a loan paper and signed it for me. Next time, I did not pay the cost of millet. He also added the loan and signed it for me. He helped me by providing money to celebrate Dashain festivals in return he took high interest from me. I have borrowed debt from him with high interest also called Tin Mahine (interest rate is 36%) for buying cattle to plow. I have not paid the loan; he has demanded to register my paddy field in his name. Lastly, I have sold my land to him for repayment of his loan. So, My Mit is not a helpful person but he is an exploitative person. Now, we have Mit Saino but do not have a close relationship with each other. 

(Interview with the respondent, Pharas Rai)

Above the statement the value of money is increasing trend in Mitrei Saino. Miteri bond is changing to be profane. It is not a sacred relationship, due to the increasing value of making a profit and gaining money. It is the sign of the destruction of general reciprocity and increasing the balanced reciprocity in the distribution of goods and services. Auguste Comte indicates that the aspects of modernity are labor force migrates in urban center, profit motive work uses of science and technology in production, growing social contrast, and inequality, antagonism between employer and employee, and free enterprise and competition [16]. Mit was indebted by the high-interest rate shows the profit-making activities within Miteri kin network. The finding of Okada [8], in Miteri kinship changed. Now, norms of Miteri kinship like warm relationships and promoting help to each other in the problematic situation are changed. Based on the above statement, Miteri kinship is not only warm relation, is also exploitative relation.

Reciprocity norms are affected by the modernization process. Negative reciprocity is a gradually increasing phenomenon in recent years. Miteri relation depends on the reciprocate activities in the Rai community. Negative reciprocity is found in Miteri relation in the Rai community as follows:

I am a foreign labor returnee. I arrived in my home country last year. I engaged in the joining Miteri relation with a neighboring friend. His caste was Karki. We performed Chino Satne function, I offered the golden-colored watch to him, and he also returned to me the leather belt. He offered to me a silver ring, then I returned the gold ring to him. I offered to him a gold necklace then he returned to me a silver necklace then I would not accept this gift. I thought that he wanted to more benefit from me in our reciprocity. He was greedy for my goods and wanted to take more advantage of me. Then I decided to quit all reciprocate activities.

(Interview with the respondent, Ajambar Rai)

From the above statements, the modernization process helps to increase negative reciprocity. The norms of negative reciprocity are arising in the Rai community. It tends directly impacts the Miteri kinship of the Rai community.

Miteri Kinship is changing in the Rai community due to the impact of the modernization process. It was ceremonial bonded kin or ritual kin in the past, now, it is a kind of rational kin. Religious ideologies and values in the Mit relation are gradually reducing in the Rai community. Miteri kinship may join the different caste groups to each other. The importance of Miteri kinship on bridging the relationship between ethnic and caste groups is reducing now. The ritual and brotherhood and sisterhood aspects of Miteri kinship are found a decreasing trend in the Rai community. The modernization process of the Rai community brought a change in the Miteri kinship system. The importance and value of Miteri kin relations are lost in modern societies. Like Parsons, the Miteri kinships system is changed by the modernization processes of the Rai community. Miteri kinship system is a kind of ascription-based kinship which is changed into achievement-based kinship. 

There are found changes in the process of binding Miteri kinship, the initial stage of binding Mit Saino where both parties are willing to bind Mit Saino then they verbally became Mit or Mitini each other. Now, it is less important to the mediator and relatives. There is no need for an auspicious day for Chino Satne function. The role of the Brahmin priest is not necessary now. Neighbors, relatives, and friends are not invited to take part in the celebration of Chino Satne. 

Miteri Saino does not promote social integration and social solidarity at the family, lineage, and community level. Miteri Saino could increase safety network, cooperative network in the past. Now, it is a kind of strategic exploitative relation due to the calculation of interaction and interrelationship. 

Nowadays, other formal relationships are more practiced by the Rai, so the importance of integration of caste and ethnic group is not necessary. Based on the power relation are changed in the Rai community. In the past, Rai people believed that they have powers like coercive power, remuneration power, and symbolic power. Both parties who joined in Miteri kinship realized that these powers are the most significant in their life. After modernizing process of the Rai community, these power relations are decreasing now. 

In the past, Miteri kinship was also considered as religious and cultural high significance in the Rai community. After the restoration of democracy in Nepal, ethnic movements and ethnic identity politics emerged as burning issues also helps to reduce the values of Miteri kinship in the Rai community. Rai community boycotted the Dashain festivals and revived their feast and festivals in the study area. It also helped to bring changes to the Miteri kinship. 

Miteri Saino is changing to be profane. It is not a sacred relationship, due to the increasing value of making a profit and gaining money. It is the sign of the destruction of general reciprocity and increasing the balanced reciprocity in the distribution of goods and services. The norms of negative reciprocity are arising in the Rai community. It tends directly impacts the Miteri kinship of the Rai community.

1. Messerschmidt, D.A. Miteri in Nepal: Fictive Kin Ties That Bind. Kailash: A Journal of Himalayan Studies, vol. 1, 1982, pp. 5–44.

2. Sharma, P.R. The State and Society in Nepal: Historical Foundation and Contemporary Trends. Kathmandu, Himal Kitab Pvt. Limited, 2012.

3. Sharma, P.R. "Caste, Social Mobility and Sanskritization: A Study of Nepal's Old Legal Code." Kailash, vol. 4, 1977, pp. 277–299.

4. Rosser, C. "Social Mobility in the Newar Caste System." Caste and Kin in Nepal, India & Ceylon: An Anthropological Study in Hindu-Buddhist Contact Zones, edited by C. von Furer-Haimendorf, East-West Publication, 1966, pp. 68–139.

5. Bennett, L. Dangerous Wives and Sacred Sisters: Social and Symbolic Roles of High Caste Women in Nepal. Kathmandu, Mandala Publication, 2005. Preface.

6. McDougal, C. The Kulung Rai: A Study in Kinship and Marriage. Kathmandu, Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1979.

7. Bista, D.B. Fatalism and Development. Calcutta, Orient Longman Limited, 1994.

8. Okada, F.E. "Ritual Brotherhood: A Cohesive Factor." South Western Journal of Anthropology, vol. 13, no. 3, 1957, pp. 212–222.

9. Leonhard, A. "The Social Organisation and Customary Law of the Nepalese Tribes." American Anthropologist, vol. 38, no. 4, 1936, pp. 533–547.

10. Prindle, P.H. "Fictive Kinship (Mit) in East Nepal." Anthropos, vol. 5/6, 1975, pp. 877–882.

11. Parsons, T. The Evolution of Societies. Englewood Cliffs, NJ, Prentice-Hall, 1977.

12. Geschiere, P. "‘The African Family Is Large, Very Large’: Mobility and the Flexibility of Kinship – Examples from Cameroon." Ethnography, vol. 21, no. 3, 2020, pp. 335–354.

13. Etzioni, A. A Comparative Analysis of Complex Organization. New York, The Free Press, 1961.

14. Sharma, B. Nepalko Eitihasik Ruprekha. Baranashi, Krishna Kumari Devi, B.S. 2008.

15. Acharya, B. Shree Panch Badamaharajdhiraj Prithivinarayan Shahko Sankhsipt Jibani. Lalitpur, Sajha Prakashan, B.S. 2061.

16. Sztompka, P. The Sociology of Social Change. Oxford and Cambridge, Blackwell, 1993.

17. Lawati, M. Contentious Politics and Democratization in Nepal. India, Sage Publication, 2007.

18. Sahlins, M. Stone Age Economics. New York, Aldine de Gruyter, 1972.

19. Startup, R. "A Sociology of Migration?" The Sociological Quarterly, vol. 12, Spring 1971, pp. 177–190.