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Research Article | Volume 2 Issue 1 (Jan-June, 2021) | Pages 1 - 9
Identity Making among Migrant Rai in Lubhu, Lalitpur Area in Kathmandu Valley
1
Patan Multiple Campus, Lalitpur, Bagmati Pradesh, Postal Code. 44700, Nepal
Under a Creative Commons license
Open Access
Received
Oct. 6, 2020
Revised
Nov. 30, 2020
Accepted
Dec. 19, 2020
Published
Jan. 15, 2021
Abstract

This study examines the ethnic identity and social processes of the Rai indigenous people in Nepal, focusing on migrant Rai in the Lubhu area of Lalitpur, Kathmandu Valley. Through interviews, observation, and qualitative analysis, the research explores how migrant Rai form new social settings and ethnic identities. The study emphasizes the dynamic nature of ethnic identity, shaped by social interactions, cultural practices, and power dynamics. It underscores the complexity of Rai identity, with diverse sub-tribal distinctions. Overall, the study highlights the importance of understanding ethnic identity in the context of social change and adaptation among migrant communities in Nepal.

Keywords
INTRODUCTION

Ethnic identity is the product of a social process whereby social relationships are maintaining, modified. It is the process of identification of communal level and individual level.  Identity is formed by social processes and social relationships are the key factor for maintaining, modifying, and reshaping the identity. Members can identify themselves as different from another social group. Barth (1996) argues that ethnic identity constructs some agreement from by outsiders and insider group members as well as identify contextually by themselves from outsider and insider group members. 

 

Ethnic identity became the most popular term for a decade in Nepal. Politicians and social scientists have pronounced this term in the state restructuring process of Nepal. Some academic works on ethnic identity have also been done like Shneiderman [1], Fisher [2], Gunaratne [3], Gubhaju [4] in Nepal but insufficient in terms of migrant Rai ethnic identity.

 

Migration has consequences for group structure where individuals or groups are involved in the creation, abolition, and modification of positions. This paper concentrates on the study of the new social setting of Migrants Rai and making ethnic identity by new social processes   in Lubhu  area of Lalitpur,  Kathmandu Valley. 

 

Statement of the Problems

The various academic debate on ethnic identity is still existing, no single theory and approach can be found. Ethnic identity is not viewed as innate or instrumental but it is built, rebuilt, and sometimes dismantles over time. Barth  affirms ethnic identity is fluid, situational defined, produced and reproduced in the course of social transactions and relation to place, time, and others. Barth focuses on identity as a contextual phenomenon and course of social transactions. Ethnicity is the product of a social process rather than a cultural given, but less gives attention to how migrants participate in social processes and making social settings. Wimmer [5] assumes that ethnic boundaries are the outcome of the classificatory struggles and negotiations between actors situated in a social field. Wimmer gives priority in the social field but inadequate analysis in actor making social field. This inquiry is remaining still now, how the social field was created and recreated then making boundaries.

 

Shneiderman [1] believes that ethnic identity is produced by ritual processes as a sacred object that binds together diverse members of the collectivity. It depends on the practice and performance of cultural kinds of stuff, not on the state control or market forces. Shneiderman gives less attention to the appropriate social setting for the practice   and   performance  of a ritual    process. The questions are arising on where do we perform and practice ritual? What types of social settings do a favor for the performing and practicing of ritual? 

 

Jenkin [6] argues that social identity makes from the social process, works: individually, interactionally, and institutionally. 

 

Fisher [2] describes the migrant and non-migrants Thakali identity-making processes and concludes that migrant Thakali forming new social organization and making Thakali identity. So identity is fluid boundaries. 

 

From the above mentions, kinds of literature show that a lack of research on migrant Rai identity is related to forming social setting and ethnic identity. Without an understanding of the social setting, ethnic identity cannot be understanding. So, there is a research gap on the relationship between social setting, social process, and ethnic identity-making processes.

 

Various studies after 1990 are concentrated on ethnic discrimination and ethnic politics in Nepal like Bhattachan [7], Neupane, Gellner, Pfaff-Czarnecka, and Whelpton [8] etc. A few of studies are centralized on the relationship between democracy and identity movements like Lawoti [9]. So, there is less study on migrant Rai who live in Kathmandu valley in terms of making ethnic identity in the current studies.

 

So this paper's main research question is how Rai indigenous are making new social setting and social process after migration from their historical and cultural origin place? Second research question is how migrant Rai are making their identity?

 

Third research question is why do migrant Rai construct ethnic identity in terms of changing social and cultural settings?

 

Objectives 

The general objective of this paper is to describe the identity making of the migrant Rai. Specific objectives are as follows: 

 

  • To analyze the making new social setting and new social process by migrant Rai

  • To describe the role of social setting in making migrant Rai's ethnic identity

 

Research Methods

Mahalaxmi Municipality ward no. 7 and 8, Lalitpur district has been selected as the study area. The rational for selection of this study area is easily accessible of migrant Rai households. There is found to rapidly growing city and becoming destination of migrant Rai. The universe of the study is found from the Kirat Rai Yayokkha, Pramvik, Karyasmaiti and Lubhu.  There are 25 household migrant Rai households. The size of universe is small, then sampling procedure have not done.  Primary and secondary data have been collected. Interview schedule has been used to get detail information about social setting and ethnic identity making. Researcher reached in the field site then planned for interview and some informal dialogues were conducted with respondent and observation has done for taking information on dress pattern, housing pattern, Sakela Dance and Sakela Than. Quantitative data has been analyzed with the help of statistical tools. Qualitative data has been interpreted. It is limited only Lubhu area and does not cover other areas where migrants Rai are residing now. 

 

Brief Introduction to Rai

Rai is an indigenous ethnic group and descendent of Kirati dynasty, ruled over thirty-three descent of Nepal. 'Kirat Pradesh' is the ancestral land of the Rai people. Kirat Pradesh is situated in the eastern part of modern Nepal, which is divided into Wallo Kirat (near Kirat), Majha Kirat (middle Kirat), and Pallo Kirat (far Kirat). Majha Kirat covers Solukhumbu, Okhaldhunga, Khotang, and Bhojpur.

 

Historically, there is no exact date of when did Kirati become Rai but the term 'Rai' term originated from 'Ray', which means 'the king'. Many researchers have that when Prthivinarayan Shah captured middle Kirat and far Kirat then he appointed local Kirati to work as intermediaries' local people and government.  Then, Khumbu concluded was given the title 'Rai', which means 'chief' or 'headman'. These headmen were given royal commissions and the honorific title 'Rai'. Nowadays, almost all of the Kirati indigenous people use the 'Rai' for their identity from generation to generation. Now, it becomes the surname of all Rai people. The Rai is a division of the Kirati people. Rai tribe can be defined as the segmental divisions that have a common cultural trait and similar cultural element. Rai is not a single tribe but comprises different subtribes Rai has been divided into 35 subtribes, which are Athpahriya, Thulung, Bantawa, Wambule, Khaling, Nachhiring, Chamling, etc. Each subtribe has a distinct cultural and social structure. "Das Rai, Das Bhasa, eka Bhansa" (Ten Rais, Ten languages, one Kitchen) proverb shows the unity in diversity of the Rai community [10-11]. 

 

Forming a New Social Setting and Social process

Ethnic identity is determined by the social setting, cultural performance, and power distribution. Migrants ethnic groups develop new social processes and social relationships. Migrants Rai have many challenges in new destinations as being indigenous people in terms of adaptation in a new social structure. Migrants Rai are adapting to a new social setting, encountering a new cultural group, accepting new power relations in the Lubhu area of Lalitpur, Kathmandu valley. So they are struggling for remaking Rai's identity. 

 

Adjustment of new Social Setting

Rai is migrated from their origin place to Kathmandu valley from the Panchayat period. Very few Rai are migrated to Kathmandu during the Panchayat period for study, government jobs like army, police and civil services, and private sectors (informal discussion to Basant Rai). After the restoration of democracy, the number of migrants in Rai was increasing rapidly. Nakkhipot was the recognized as Lahure area, where the majority of migrants were Rai and Limbu. In the Lubhu area of   Lalitpur, the   first migrant Rai came in B.S. 2056.

 

Lubhu, Changathali of Lalitpur is being the new destination place of migrant Rai after B.S. 2056. Two years later, two Rai households were migrated from Khotang.  According to the first Rai migrant household came at Changathali in B. S. 2056, whose origin place was Khotang. Now, the number of migrant Rai household is 25.  The following table shows the date of migration and origin place of migrant Rai.

 

The above table shows that migrants Rai came from a different place of origin and district. Khotang and Bhojpur are the major origin place of the migrants' Rai. Migrants Rai from five districts are practicing a new social setting. 

 

Before B.S. 2068, migrant Rai tries to adjust to new social settings. At that time Luhhu and Changathali were densely populated with Newar and Chhetries. It was the time for making their own social settings and social boundaries. Migrant Rai was more dominated by the local inhabitants and use the term Khe (Pakhe, rural people) First migrant Rai shares his experiences as follow:

 

I feel that my clan group is my life, has a great importance but I have only neighbors who are not my clan group. I feel they do not help me at different times and situations, but gradually dominate me. One day, my wife was faced some problems in public drinking water tap by local people. Then I promised that I will develop own my cultural community for my survival (Interview with Ram Rai, 2019).

 

This statement shows that the social process of migrant Rai in a new social system. Migrants do not function properly adaptation and adjustment process in local communities. Migrants Rai want to make their own social settings. He did not say about ethnic identity but his survival. First of all, he wants to increase the migrant's Rai community. Different sub-tribe are combined as a migrant identity in the process of developing distinct social settings. They have different social and cultural systems in their origin place now they are negotiating and making a single migrant Rai identity. The following table shows the distribution of migrant Rai by their sub-tribe.

 

The table 1 shows that there is found seven types subtribe of Rai is migrants’ household in Lubhu area of Lalitpur. Of them, Chamling Rai is the majority among migrants Rai.

 

Facilitate to migrate kin groups 

Kin groups assist in problems and fulfill their necessity.  It is the sign of the majority in power relations. So, migrants Rai always want to migrate their kin groups as a neighbor.  They also want to cooperate with the migration process of relatives and clan groups such as help for purchasing housing land, help for building construction. Frist migrant Rai reported that he helped to migrate his clan and relative here. Now three households Rai are his relatives. One of the relative states that the kin network as follow:

 

My uncle always said to me, if you earn money, you will migrate with me to our majority. You cannot live without a good neighbor. I also like this area then he managed to purchase housing land. He assisted me in solving the problems and also helped me construct the house. I need clan groups in every aspect of life  from  womb  to  tomb. 

 

Table 1: Distribution of migrant Rai by the origin of place and year of migration

YearOrigin placeHousehold number
2056 B.S.Khotang1
2058 B.S.Khotang2
2063 B.S.Khotang2
2064 B.S.Khotang1
Bhojpur3
2065 B.S.Solukhumbu2
2066 B.SBhojpur2
2067 B.S.Bhojpur3
Khotang3
2068 B.S. Solukhumbu2
2072 B.S.Bhojpur1
2073 B.SIlam1
2074 B.S.Bhojpur1
2075 B.S.Dhankuta1
Total 75

Source: Fieldwork, 2019.

 

Table 2: Distribution of migrant Rai by subtribe

Name of the Sub-tribeHousehold number
Chamling9
Bantawa8
Nachhiring3
Khaling1
Thulung2
Bahing1
Yakkha1
Total25

Source: Fieldwork, 2019.

 

am not here without the help of my uncle. I also bring my brother-in-law. I feel that I am in Khotang due to my relative and clan group also already lived here (Interview with Panchamani Rai).

The above statement shows that the migrant's Rai follow their relative who migrated already in the Lubhu area. Initial migrants Rai wants to increase their relative and clan groups for making new social settings.

 

Expansion of the cultural community

Rai migrants always want to increase their cultural community due to contact with the host community majority Newar culture. Migrants Rai were integrated by the division of 'other' and 'own', 'old' and 'new'. The criteria of the division of own and others are race, ethnicity, and migrant. Migrant Rai assumed that different caste and ethnic group are who are migrants are defined as 'own' and local settlers are defined as 'other' before the establishing formal organization of Rai.  Initial Rai migrants started to invite feast and festivals, rite ritual with Rai and non-Rai who are migrant. Migrant Limbu, and migrant Magar who are closer neighbor but physical distance are far. They also invited to Limbu, Magar as relatives in their festivals, birthday parties, and rituals, etc. So, these social processes lead to an increase in the migrant Rai cultural community gradually. One respondent says about their cultural community as follows.

 

I came here from Khotang in B. S. 2063. I left my cultural community in Khotang, but my relative was only one household here. My relative introduced to me other migrants Rai and non-Rai.  He also informed me they are our cultural group and should invite to each other all spheres. I also accepted this cultural community and joined which made me integrated into the community (Interview with Hari Rai).

 

The role of the early migrants seems high to organize the migrant Rai. Early migrants and later migrants actively participate in making a cultural community. The value of unity is power was made in an informal meeting. Migrants are integrated by the ritual and feast festivals, Similar view is expressed by another respondent as follows.

 

I left my clan group in Bhojpur, but I am not alone here, my cultural community is so big and diverse now. We are joining different Rai and also Limbu and Magar as a single cultural group.  We are trying to maintain this relationship long life for our unity and develop our culture. We celebrate our festivals jointly and perform our rites and rituals. We do not feel isolated and dominated by other communities (Interview with Mani Rai). 

 

Making cultural community shows the existence of migrant Rai. It becomes the collective consciousness of all migrant Rai. It is the major power of bargaining, negotiating for making their own identity. Social cohesiveness is important for making group identity and a small cultural community has possibilities in the cultural assimilation so enlarging the cultural community is the basic component of the ethnic identity-making process.                                      

 

Establishing the neighbor network of Rai Migrants

At first, Rai migrants established a neighbor network including five migrants’ households. It was an informal migrant organization different from the cultural community. The cultural community was practiced with cultural purpose and organized cultural ceremony and feast festivals. But the neighbor network's main purpose was to build cooperation among the migrant's Rai household. It was like a self-help group, where migrant Rai solved their problems with the help of a migrant neighbor. They exchange their phone number with each other. Neighbor network joined each other troubles and their needs. They also take advice from each other for critical cases and problems like the boundary of land and dispute management. They also help each other in an emergency case like the sickness of members. 

 

Establishing the Kirat Rai Samaj 

The numbers of migrant Rai were increasing year by year, then they realized to establish Kirat Rai Samaj. Kirat Rai Samaj was established from the informal dialogue among migrants Rai on the occasion of the birth ceremony. All migrant household heads were gathered at the house of the first migrant in 2065 B. S. This meeting formed the committee and objectives and working procedure of Kirat Rai Samaj. This organization became the own social setting of Migrant Rai where migrants Rai made their social identity. The main objective is to promote and develop their culture, language, and identity and to unite all Kirati Rai in a single cultural community. Kirat Rai Samaj organized Deusi Bhailo on the occasion of the Tihar festival with their own Rai dress and Rai Sakela    songs     and    dance for  fundraising   of Samaj. 

 

Join the formal Organization Kirat Rai Yayokkha 

Migrants Kirat Rai established Kirat Rai Yayokkha in Kathmandu Valley in B. S.  2045. It is a nonprofit, non-political social organization of Kirat Rai. Its main objectives are to maintain social integrity, to preserve and promote social and cultural identity and linguistic diversity. Kirat Rai Yayokkha District Committee Lalitpur was formed in B. S. 2049. 

 

One of the meetings of Kirat Rai Samaj decided to join the formal organization Kirat Rai Yayokkha District Committee, Lalitpur. Kirat Rai Yayokkha Praramvik Karyasamiti Lubhu, Tikathali was formed in 2068 B. S. Migrants Rai became the general member of Kirat Rai Yayokkha Praramvik Karyasamiti. It is the first formal organization of migrant Rai of Lubhu. One respondent stated that the purpose of joining the formal organization is to increase strength the power and making legally valid. Then, Migrants Rai developed their own powerful social setting where they constructed their ethnic identity. 

 

Making Kirat Rai Profile and Phone directory

Kirat Rai Yayokkha Praramvik Karyasamiti Lubhu, Tikathali made a soft copy of Kirat Rai's profile and phone directory. It helps to communicate with each other quickly and fast. It makes easy access to binding each other among migrant Rai in Lubhu area.

 

Udhauli (downward) and Ubhauli Parba (Upward festival) and Making Rai Identity

Ubhauli and Udhauli is the main festival of Rai which is celebrated during Baisakh Purnima and Mangsir Purnima. Kirat Rai Yayokkha Parmvik Karyasamiti, Lubhu Tikathali made the decision to celebrate Uhauli and Udhauli in this area. Prior to this decision, they went to voluntarily Hattiban, Nakkhipot to celebrate Ubahuali and Udhauli. Migrants Rai agreed to celebrate Ubhauli and Udhuali's own place in the meeting of Yayokkha. The meeting of Yayokkha made the decision to establish Skela Than (holy place) at the public land of Changathali. Yayokkha succeeded to occupy the public land for Sakela Than (holy place of God).

 

Sakela than was inaugurated by the chief guest of the honorable communication ministry, which symbolized the power of making ethnic identity. It is a remarkable history of making the migrant Rai ethnic identity. Yayokkha organized the Sakela dance twice a year. It also expanded the role and responsibilities and formed the subcommittee for well managing the Sakela dance. It is possible from the development of a strong social setting that binds all migrants Rai single community and enlarges the belonging to their own cultural community. 

 

Ubhauli and Udhauli are celebrated by performing Sakela Dance. The Sakela dance is a religious, historical unique dance that is performed by large groups of Kirats wearing their indigenous ornaments and Rai dresses. It is a long-duration circle dance where all dancers equally participate without the restriction of age, sex, gender, religion, etc. Sakela dance is guided by the Silimoppa (male dance leader) and Silimomma (female dance leader). Muldhole (drum player) plays the Dhol (drum) then the other dancer follows the Silimoppa (male dance leader) and Silimomma.

 

 

 

 

Figure 1: Nachhung (Priest) is Honored by Pheta (White Cloth) by the Chairman of Kirat Rai Yayokkha Pramvik Karyasamiti.

 

 

Figure2: Nachhung (Priest) and Migrants Rai are Participating to Worship Sakela Than.

 

Rai performs Sakela Dance from their ancestral time till now.  It is the cultural and religious dance and glory of Rai civilization, which makes Rai identity.  The performance of Sakela depends on the Yayokkha decision. Yayokkha formal organization of Kirat Rai appoint the Silimoppa, Silimomma, Muldhole, and Nachhung (religious priest). The date and place are fixed by the collectively by the Yayokha meeting. So, social identity is important for making identity.

 

Sakela Than puja and Chula Puja are performed by Nachhung with the recitation of Mundhuma (sacred words). Nacchhung has not appointed a single household but a   social setting. Nachhung   performs   Chula   Puja at home by some migrant households who establish Chula in their household. Nachhung also performs a Sakela puja in Sakela Than. All cultural activities make the migrant Rai ethnic identity but not possible without social settings and social process.

 

Figure 3: Sakela Songs as Related to Identity-Making Process

 

 

Figure 4: Invitation Card for Sakela Parba.

 

Change in the Naming Pattern of the Newborn Child 

Migrant Rai has started to change the naming pattern of newborn children own their language and their sacred person's name. There is found that newborn children name differs from the former generation. Their children have named their own language. Such as Mihang Rai, Dayahang Rai, Sayahang Rai, Ninama Rai, Hiakhama Rai, Imichung Rai, Yanhang Rai, Naima Rai, etc. It is the forming of a new identity of the naming pattern. Most of the migrant Rai are assemble in the naming ceremony and discuss each other and suggest the name's own language. So, identity is formed by the group decision.

 

The Compulsion of Wearing Rai Dress and Ornaments

Most of the migrant Rai made the decision on the compulsion of the wearing    Rai dress   and ornaments in Ubhauli and Udhauli festival and Sakela dance Dress and ornaments ate their material culture making their identity. 

 

 

Figure 5:  Some Sakela Dancers to Ready for Dancing.

 

Changing the Blessing Words and Making New Identity

Migrant Rai realized that the blessing words were assimilated from the Sanskrit language. Now, blessing words need to be changed into the Rai language. So most of the Migrant Rai have accepted the following blessing words. 

 

Haikhama Tupdani, Ninama Kaidani 

Akas jastai Pharkailo hunu, Matojastai Bandhilo hunu, (Widening as like the sky, connecting as like soil.)

 

Lakiha Kaidani, Pitiha Kaidani

Junjastai Chamkilo hunu, Tarajastai Chamkilo hunu (Shinning as like the moon, sparkling as like Stars)

 

The Invention of the New Invitation Card for Making the New Identity

Most of the migrant Rai have been inspired to use the new model of invitation card which is commonly accepted by migrant Rai informal talk. The initial statements of the new model of invitation card present in the Rai language which is the pray words of God and goddess. These statements are as follows:

 

Change in Offering Goods and Things for God (Prasad) 

Yayokkha meeting passed the rules of change in offering goods and things for god and goddess Paruhang and Sumnima. They removed the practices of sacrifice chicken and he-buffalo to god. Now, they offer the fruits, ginger,   and little liquor to god and goddess.

 

Change in Color of Tika

All migrant Rai distinct type of Tika color. Most people prefer red Tika.  They used white Tika in their origin place but now they are using yellow colour Tika in Sakela Puja. It makes them differ from another group.

 

The Invention of Material Culture

There is found that four migrant Rai were presented the Paruhang and Sumnima idol in front of the top floor of the house.  It is easily recognized the migrant house. In the same way, three migrant Rai were constructed new types of the gate where their sacred things and symbols are decorated. It is the performance and practices of cultural activities. These all houses are later migrant Rai household take the opportunity of migrant Ria social setting and social process that led to performs these cultural activities.

CONCLUSION

Identity is not a static nature but constructs and reconstructs the Rai ethnic identity in terms of changing the social setting and social processes by the migration process. Identity is not just a contextual, performance, practices but it is social too. Making social setting and social process are important factors for making migrant Rai ethnic identity. Some conclusion can draw as follows:

 

  • Migrant ethnic identity depends on the social setting and social processes. If migrant cannot establish their own social setting, they will assimilate in host social settings and practice destination culture.

  • New social setting is emerged by the migrant social process, relative network, neighbor relation. Migrants are closer to their own clan, relative      than       host        community     people.


 

 

 

Figure 6:  Migrants Rai Construct Their Sacred Icons and Symbols in Buildings and Gates.


 

  • The migrant takes help to make social setting if there is a very small size of migrants. 

  • The increasing social network and social closure of migrants lead to making social organization. That organization constructs and reconstructs. the migrant ethnic identity

  • Social setting is not a by-product but develops continuously by a social process such as negotiation, cooperation, antagonism, integration, competition. Formation of the new social setting of migrants develops social order for making new ethnic identity and function to understanding and internalizing the collective consciousness among Migrant Rai identity. Then, all member shows their identity in practice and performance. 

  • If the social setting is disorganized, the ethnic identity-making process will be disrupted and will be changed.

REFERENCE
  1. Shneiderman Sara. "Reframing ethnicity: academic tropes, recognition beyond politics, and ritualized action between Nepal and India." American Anthropologist, vol. 116, no. 2, 2009, pp. 279–295.

  2. Fisher William F. Fluid boundaries: forming and transforming identity in Nepal. Columbia University Press, 2001.

  3. Guneratne Arjun. Many tongues, one people: the making of Tharu identity in Nepal. Cornell University Press, 2002.

  4. Gubhaju Bina. "The fluidity of ethnicity: the case of Nepali and Newari identity in the United States." Contributions to Nepalese Studies, vol. 26, no. 1, 1999, pp. 135–149.

  5. Wimmer Andreas. "The making and unmaking of ethnic boundaries: a multilevel process theory." American Sociological Journal, vol. 113, no. 4, 2008, pp. 970–1022.

  6. Jenkins Richard. Social identity. London, Routledge, 2014.

  7. Bhattchan Krishna B. "'Possible ethnic revoluation or insurgency in predatory unitary Hindu state, Nepal." In Domestic conflict and crisis of governability in Nepal, edited by D. Kumar, CNAS, Kathmandu, 2000.

  8. Gellner David N. et al. Nationalism and ethnicity in Nepal. Vajra Publication, Kathmandu, 2008.

  9. Lawati Mahendra. Towards a democratic Nepal: inclusive political institution for a multicultural society. Sage Publication, New Delhi, 2005.

  10. Startup Richard. "Sociology of migration?" The Sociological Quarterly, vol. 12, no. 2, 1971, pp. 177–190.

  11. Gurung Harka. "'Trident and thunderbolt: cultural dynamics in Nepalese politics.'" Paper presented at The Agenda of Transformation: Inclusion in Nepal Democracy, 24–26 April, organized by Social Science Baha, Himal Association, Kathmandu, 2000.

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